Ever felt sick, tried to see a specialist, and been told the waitlist is six months long? Or perhaps you’ve wondered why a simple consultation and a few tests can feel so disproportionately expensive? When it comes to healthcare, the normal rules of supply and demand seem to break down. We expect that if demand for something goes up, the market will respond by providing more of it. If there’s a shortage of, say, programmers, universities and bootcamps ramp up, and salaries rise, drawing more people into the field. But in healthcare, this self-correction mechanism is sluggish, distorted, and often fails completely. This isn’t a market for widgets; it’s a complex ecosystem governed by high stakes, long training times, and deep-seated information gaps.

The people at the center of this-the doctors, nurses, and specialists-are part of a unique labor market. The “price” of their services (fees) and their “wages” (salaries) are at the mercy of a phenomenon economists call market imperfection. These imperfections create a cascade of strange and often harmful outcomes, from chronic shortages and induced demand to a global “brain drain” and the troubling rise of untrained practitioners. Understanding these failures is the first step to figuring out how we might begin to fix them.

Table of Contents

The chronic shortage and the wage that won’t fix it

At the most basic level, many countries, both developing and developed, face a chronic shortage of health workers. The World Health Organization (WHO) has repeatedly warned of a projected global shortfall of millions of health workers, particularly in low- and lower-middle-income countries. Simple economics says that a shortage (excess demand) should put upward pressure on wages. As hospitals and clinics compete for a limited pool of nurses and doctors, they should offer higher pay, which in turn should incentivize more young people to enter the medical profession.

This *does* happen, but only in a very limited and distorted way. The healthcare labor market is notoriously “sticky.”

  • Long training pipelines: You can’t create a new surgeon in six months. The educational pipeline for a doctor is a decade or more of expensive, highly specialized training. Even for nurses, it takes several years. This means that even if wages skyrocket today, the “supply” of new professionals won’t increase significantly for another 5-10 years.
  • High barriers to entry: It’s not just the time; it’s the cost and difficulty. Medical school is incredibly competitive and expensive, creating a bottleneck. Furthermore, strict licensing bodies and professional associations (which sometimes act like guilds) control the number of new entrants, the number of medical school seats, and the criteria for practicing.
  • Geographical mismatch: The “shortage” is rarely uniform. Most countries have a glut of specialists in wealthy urban areas and a desperate “health desert” in rural or low-income communities. Higher wages in the city pull talent away from the areas that need it most, and the market mechanism fails to create a balancing incentive to move rural.

So while there is upward pressure on wages, it doesn’t solve the supply problem. Instead, it often just makes healthcare more expensive in the areas that are already well-served, while the shortages in rural and public sectors persist.

When your doctor is also a salesman: Physician-induced demand

One of the most significant imperfections in healthcare is information asymmetry. When you take your car to a mechanic, you probably don’t know if you *really* need a new transmission. You have to trust the expert. In medicine, this gap is even more profound. The patient (the consumer) is almost entirely reliant on the doctor (the supplier) to diagnose the problem *and* recommend the treatment (the service to be consumed). The doctor acts as both the advisor and the seller.

This creates the potential for what is known as physician-induced demand (PID). This is a situation where a physician, often to maintain a “target income,” may influence a patient’s demand for services that aren’t medically essential. This can include ordering extra diagnostic tests, scheduling unnecessary follow-up appointments, or recommending more expensive procedures.

How do we know this happens? Economists have found clues by studying market density. In a normal market, if more suppliers (doctors) move into an area, competition should drive *down* prices. Yet, studies have sometimes found the opposite: in areas with a high density of physicians, fees and service intensity can actually *increase*. The interpretation is that with more doctors competing for the same pool of patients, each doctor may “induce” more demand from their existing patients to protect their income level.

This isn’t to say doctors are malicious. It can be a subtle process. A doctor might genuinely believe a precautionary MRI is a good idea, or that a follow-up visit is diligent. But the financial incentive, combined with the information gap, creates a market where the supplier can effectively create their own demand-a clear monopolistic behavior that inflates costs for everyone.

The brain drain: Why health workers are leaving

For health workers in developing countries, the wage distortions and poor working conditions in their home public sectors create a powerful incentive to leave. This mass migration of skilled health professionals from low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) to high-income countries (HICs) is known as the “brain drain.”

The numbers are staggering. The WHO’s “Health Workforce Support and Safeguards List” identifies countries facing the most acute shortages, which are often the same countries that are major sources of migrant health workers for the developed world. India and the Philippines, for example, are two of the largest exporters of doctors and nurses, respectively, to countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia.

Why do they leave? The “push” and “pull” factors are clear:

  • Push factors: Low public sector wages, poor and unsafe working conditions, lack of resources (like medicine and equipment), political instability, and limited opportunities for professional advancement.
  • Pull factors: Dramatically higher salaries, better-resourced hospitals, safer environments, access to advanced technology, and opportunities for specialization and research.

This migration is a devastating market failure for the source country. That nation invests heavily in educating and training a doctor or nurse for years, only to see that investment (and the individual’s skill) benefit a wealthy country that is often facing its *own* shortages because its market has also failed to produce enough domestic health workers. This brain drain exacerbates the existing shortages, creating a cycle of scarcity and dependence.

The resulting fall in average quality

The brain drain doesn’t just reduce the *quantity* of health workers; it often reduces the *average quality* of those who remain, particularly in the public sector. The market for health workers is not uniform. The most highly skilled, ambitious, and specialized professionals are typically the most mobile. They have the best chances of passing foreign licensing exams and securing high-paying jobs abroad or in the top-tier private hospitals at home.

This creates a “sorting” effect. The public health system, which is often bound by rigid government pay scales, cannot compete. It can’t offer a star surgeon triple the salary. As a result, it struggles to retain its best talent. This can lead to a vicious cycle:

  1. Top talent leaves the public sector for private practice or emigration.
  2. The average quality and experience of the remaining public sector workforce decline.
  3. Patients who have the means to do so (even the lower-middle class) lose faith in the public system and begin paying out-of-pocket for private care, even if it’s expensive.
  4. As the public system’s user base becomes poorer and less politically influential, government funding and political will to improve it may wane.
  5. This further degrades working conditions, pushing even more of the remaining skilled workers out.

This cycle contributes to a two-tiered system: a well-resourced, high-cost private sector for the affluent and an under-resourced, under-staffed public sector for the poor, where trust has been fundamentally eroded.

The rise of the unregulated practitioner

So what happens when the market has failed at every level? When the qualified public doctor isn’t there (due to shortages or brain drain), the public clinic is low-quality, and the private doctor is unaffordable? For millions of people, especially in the vast rural areas of countries like India, the vacuum is filled by unregulated practitioners.

In India, these individuals are often called Rural Medical Practitioners (RMPs), though the term “quack” is also used. These practitioners typically have no formal medical degree. They might be former pharmacists’ assistants, compounders, or simply individuals who apprenticed with another RMP. Yet, they are often the first-and only-point of contact for the rural poor.

Why do patients turn to them, even when they know they aren’t “real” doctors? The answer lies in market access and information asymmetry.

  • Availability and Accessibility: The RMP is *there*. They live in the village, are available 24/7, and can be reached immediately. The qualified public doctor may be 20 kilometers away at a Primary Health Centre (PHC) that is only open from 9 AM to 4 PM, and even then, the doctor may be absent.
  • Affordability: Their fees are a fraction of what a private, qualified doctor would charge.
  • Social and Cultural Closeness: The RMP speaks the local dialect, understands the social context, and is often more willing to make house calls or provide medicine on credit.

While some argue they fill a critical gap, their role is deeply problematic. Their lack of training leads to frequent misdiagnosis, the over-prescription of antibiotics (a major driver of antimicrobial resistance), and the mismanagement of serious chronic and acute conditions. The rise of the RMP is the ultimate, tragic symptom of a broken healthcare labor market. It is a “solution” that emerges when information is imperfect, prices are distorted, and the formal supply of qualified professionals has completely failed to meet the population’s needs.

From chronic waitlists to the global migration of talent, the market for health workers is a powerful example of how economic theory plays out in the real world. When markets fail, the consequences aren’t just inefficient-they can be a matter of life and death.

What do you think? What do you believe is the most effective way to stop the “brain drain” of health workers from developing countries? And given the choice between no provider and an untrained local practitioner, what would you do?

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References
  1. https://www.who.int/news/item/03-03-2023-health-workforce-a-global-perspective-on-key-challenges-and-opportunities
  2. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4193006/
  3. https://www.who.int/publications/i/item/9789240061033
  4. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0972063418754160

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Economics of Social Sector and Environment

1 Society, State and Market

  1. Inter-Relationship Between Society, State and Markets
  2. Role of State in Market Economy
  3. Poverty
  4. Multidimensional Concept of Poverty
  5. Axioms of Poverty Measures
  6. Inequality
  7. Methods of Inequality Measurement
  8. Axioms of Inequality Measures
  9. Inequality and Economic Growth (The Inverted-U Hypothesis
  10. Post-Reform Poverty Trends in India

2 Economy and Environment

  1. Economy-Environment Interaction
  2. Market Failure in the Context of Environmental Goods
  3. Property Rights Versus Common Property
  4. Future Time Preference and Discount Rate

3 Society and Environment

  1. Poverty and Environment
  2. Population and Environment
  3. Affluence and Environment

4 Demand for Educational Services

  1. Education as a Public Good
  2. Nature of Demand for Educational Services
  3. Education and Development
  4. Social Demand for Education

5 Supply of Educational Services

  1. Nature of Educational Services
  2. Funding of Education: Role of State Versus Market
  3. Budget Equation for Educational Institutions
  4. The Domain Distinction in Education Provision
  5. Education Production Function

6 Determinants of Educational Services

  1. Determinants of Demand for Educational Services
  2. Determinants of Supply of Educational Services
  3. Alternative Sources of Funding: International Experiences
  4. Conditions for Optimum Investment in Education

7 Demand for Health Services

  1. Health Indicators
  2. Health Indicators and Economic Development: Linkage
  3. Role of Economics in Health Sector
  4. Externalities in Health
  5. Role of Health in Economic Development
  6. Demand for Health Versus Traditional Demand Function
  7. Supply Factors Affecting Demand for Health

8 Supply of Health services

  1. Health Services
  2. Determination of Equilibrium Price for Physicians
  3. Price Discrimination in Conditions of Dual Market
  4. Optimality Conditions in the Presence of Quality Variable
  5. Optimality Under Physicians’ Cooperative
  6. Production of Health
  7. Input Substitution and Healthcare Services
  8. Technical Substitution and Elasticity of Substitution
  9. Factors of Production of Health and Efficient Use of Resources
  10. Estimation of Cost Function from Production Function of Health
  11. Public-Private Partnership in Health Services

9 Determinants of Health Services

  1. Determinants of Demand for Healthcare Services
  2. Income and Health
  3. Poverty and Malnutrition
  4. Socio-economic Determinants of Health
  5. Healthcare Finance
  6. Price, Wage and Health Workers
  7. Organisational Change and Technical Efficiency
  8. Pharmaceutical Pricing
  9. Technology and Healthcare
  10. Government Policy

10 Demand for Natural and Environmental Resources

  1. Taxonomy of Resources
  2. Dynamic Optimization
  3. Economics of Non-renewable resources
  4. Exhaustible Resource Use: Continuous Time Frame
  5. Resource Scarcity
  6. Resources and Rents

11 Supply of Environmental and Ecosystem Services

  1. Importance of Valuation of Environment
  2. Total Economic Value of Environment
  3. Valuation Tools
  4. Valuation of Biodiversity
  5. Valuation of Environment in India

12 Determinants of Environmental Resources

  1. Dynamic System and Dynamic Optimization
  2. Bio-economics of Fishery
  3. Economics of Forestry
  4. Investment Under Uncertainty

13 Pillars of Sustainable Development

  1. Conceptual Framework
  2. Definitions of SD and its Interpretations
  3. Approaches to Sustainable Development
  4. Sustainability
  5. Indicators of Sustainable Development
  6. Application of Indicators to National Development Strategies
  7. Sustainable Development Practices in India

14 Green Accounting and Environmental Cost Benefit Analysis

  1. System of National Accounts: Theory and Practice
  2. Gaps in Conventional System of National Income Accounts
  3. Requisite Modification in the Conventional National Income Accounts
  4. Usefulness of Environmental Accounting
  5. Environmental Cost Benefit Analysis
  6. Valuation of Environment
  7. Limitations of ECBA

15 Common Property Resources Management

  1. Introduction
  2. Characteristics of Common Property Resources (CPRs)
  3. Theories of CPRs Management
  4. Field Studies on CPRs Management
  5. Global Environmental Externalities

16 Education Sector

  1. Market Failure and the Role of Policy
  2. Quasi-Markets for Education
  3. Demographic Dividend
  4. Quality of Education
  5. Skill Development

17 Health Sector

  1. Healthcare Market and Conventional Market: Distinction
  2. Arrow’s Perspective of Healthcare Market
  3. Health as Human Capital
  4. Capabilities and Health: Sen’s Perspective
  5. Financing of Health Services
  6. Universal Health Coverage
  7. Health Insurance
  8. Moral Hazard in Healthcare Insurance
  9. Regulating Private Health Insurance Sector
  10. Government Failure

18 Environment Sector-I

  1. Externality and Pigouvian Tax
  2. Coase Bargaining Solution and Collective Action
  3. Pollution Abatement Options
  4. Market-based Instruments
  5. Informal Regulations for Pollution Abatement

19 Environment Sector-II

  1. Environmental Problems in India
  2. Environmental Policies in India – Air and Water
  3. Forest Policy in India
  4. National Environmental Policy (NEP), 2006
  5. National Action Plan on Climate Change (NAPCC), 2008
  6. Energy
  7. Mining Policy
  8. Land Acquisition
  9. Alternative Institutional Mechanisms for Pollution Control